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SPEECH I3Y HON. SANFORD E. CHURCH, 



BATAVIA. OCTOBER 13, 1863. 



FEiiOW-dnzEN-s : 

You are assembled at a Tcry critical and 
important period in the history of the counfr}'. 
Never before within your recollection and 
roine have interests so vast been at stake. In 
my judgment it is the duty now of every citi- 
zen to devote himself to National atfairs. 
Questions of the most momentous character 
are crowding upon us with such rapidity that 
we are in danger of becoming bewildered and 
neglecting to discharge those duties which in 
a free government devolve upon the people, 
and which can not now be neglected without 
endangering the Government itself 

All questions which have heretofore agitat- 
ed parties and arrayed men uf on opposite 
sides, as important as they have sometimes 
been regarded, sink into utter insignificance 
when compared with the issues of the present 
moment — issues upon the determination of 
which depend the future destinies of the 
country. The glorious Union, constructed 
by our fathers, and cemented with their blood, 
and the free institutions secured by it, are 
now trembling upon the verge of destruction, 
and can only be rescued and saved by the 
dispassionate and patriotic efforts of all the 
people. In our action as citizens, at this 
time, wc should lay aside all our partisan 
feeling and prejudice. If the election in- 
volved only the question whether one class oi 
men or another was to fill the offices, we 
might allow our fancy, and even our passions 
and prejudices, full play, without endangering 
«)nstitution'Sil and vital interests. It is of 
i^ight moment to the mass of the people 
whether one mnn or another is chosen to dis- 
charge the duties of a particular office. The 
State offices would be reasonably well filled 
by the election of either ticket in the field, 
and so far as the particular duties of such 
officers are concerned, it would matter but 
little which was elected. But I regard the 
election this fall as vitally important, on 
account of the influence it will have in restor- 
ing oar distracted country to its original 
vigor and usefulness, and in determining the 
future policy of the government with reference 
to it, and it will be my purpose to ascertain 
what the real issue to be decided by the 
people is, and what questions every citizen 
should examine and determine for himself, 
before he deposits his ballot. 

For two and a half years we have been 
engaged in a civil war for which history 
furnishes no parallel "When the war com 
menced and became an existing fact, I deemed 
it my duty to sustain the Government, and 
to the extent of my influence and means I 
have labored (witli what success, I leave 
others to decide) to furnish the Government 
with al' the men and money nec«6S.iry to 



crush the Rebellion and restore the legitimate 
authority of the nation. I occupy the samo 
position to-day. So long as men are arrayed 
af^ainst the rightful authority of the Govern- 
ment, with arms in their hands, there is n*i 
other course to pursue but to meet them with 
force. 

Whatever our views may be ui>on the 
causes which led to this terrible strife, and 
whatever blame we believe justly attaches to 
extreme men of the North, still the attempt 
forcibly to break-down the authority of the 
Constitution over the whole country for fan- 
cied or real grievances, was an unlawful and 
criminal act which can not be justified or tole- 
rated ; while to admit the right of secession is 
to give up the supreme authority of the Gov- 
ernment, even as to the powers expressly 
conferred upon it. Nor am I in favor of anj 
peace based upon a separation. I will never 
consent to any but a country reunited and 
restored. 

In expressing these views I but reiterate 
the sentiments of the Democratic party. At 
a convention recently held in Albany, com- 
posed of representatives of the highest charac- 
ter, ability, and patriotism from every Assem- 
bly District in the State, the following resolu- 
tion was unanimoushj adopted: 

Resolved, That we reaffirm the platform 
adopted by the Democratic Convention of 
18G2, namely: 

First. That we will continue to render the 
Government our sincere and united support 
in the use of all legitimate means to suppress 
the rebellion and to restore the Union as it 
was, and to maintain the Constitution as it 
is — believing that that sacred instrument, 
founded in wisdom by our Fathers, clothes 
the constituted authorities with full power to 
accomplish such purpose. 

Nor have the members of the Democratic 
party in their individual action been wanting 
in energy and effectiveness in supplying the 
calls of the Government. Whenever men 
were wanted, a full equal portion have been 
given from the ranks of that party. Every 
battle-field will attest the bravery and patri- 
otism of members of the Democratic party. 

Whenever money was called f^r, they have 
opened their coffers and furnished the required 
sum. Without receiving or desiring the pa- 
tronage of the Administration, and without 
any selfish motives except such as result 
from a desire to enjoy the blessings of a fi-ee 
government, they have, at all times and 
under all circumstances, evinced a readiness 
to aid in carrying on the war and restoring 
the country. 

I make these remarks merely to say, that 
upon this question there is no issue. Yoii 
will find occasionally a man so we<Wcd to 



H4r6g 



parly and s» blinded by passion or preju- 
dice, as to denounce Democrats as copperheads 
a:;d traitors ; but I have found from consid- 
erable political experience, that epithets ap- 
Tilied to an adversary never injure him, nor 
benefit those who employ them. The his- 
tory of the world does not furnish a parallel 
to the unit}' of action exhibited in the Xorth- 
cri States, in sustaining this Administration 
in all its legitimate demands, and whenever 
an impartial history shall be written of those 
who have participated in the conflict, its 
brightest page will contain the unselfish and 
patriotic action of those against wfhom these 
epithets are hurled. ,.f ,,- ryi : 

Those who claim that there is, any issue 
upon this question of maintaining the author- 
ity of the Government, are either thoroughly 
deceived, or ai'e attempting to deceive others. 
Still more false and deceptive is the pretense 
which I see extensively put forth by public 
speakers and by the press, that there has 
been something in the action or sayings of 
Governor Seymour which ought to influ- 
ence people in determining their action at 
the polls, I have examined several of 
their statements, and have tailed to find a 
single spGcific charge made or a single act 
specified, and I therefore conclude that the 
general clamor on that subject is set up to 
hide the real questions that are at issue, and 
prevent, if possible, a consideration of them 
by the people. Governor Seymour quelled the 
riot in Xaw-xork before it became necessary 
to declare martial law, and he made an eifort 
to obtain from the Administration at Wash- 
ington, the privilege of furnishing men bj' 
volunteering instead of drafting, and he en- 
deavored to secure to our State the credits 
to which it was entitled, by I'cason of having 
furnished an excess over Massachusetts and 
other State?, on previous calls ; and when 
a neighboring State was invaded, he prompt- 
ly sent more soldiers to its defense than all 
the other Northern States combined, and 
confessedly contributed to, if he did not se- 
cure, the defpat .qf th'e;E"^el,ferces at Gettys- 
burgh. ' . ■ ,'■ 

If these acts were in controversy in this 
election, I should feel entirely confident in 
submitting them to the determination of the 
people ; but I fully agree with the I\ew-York 
Rerall, vrhen it reminded tiiese gentlemen 
that Gov. Siyvii ur was elected in 1862, and 
that v.'e have entered upon a. new campaign 
with issues belonging to it. • r- 

Jio, fellow-citizens ! the questions for you 
to answer aie of a different character entirely, 
and you should allow no false issues and 
subterfuges to interfere with their proper 
determination. Wh it, then, are the issues j 
of the present campaign ? , :• -iTj^^, -■-.',. ffj 

"When the war was commeiTced,, the Pr.esi; | 
dent sohranly plidged the c.otjntry, that it j 
should be prosecuted fo.'-, tha rcitpration (;f| 
the Union and the maintenance' of the Con- i 
stit'jtJon. The theory proclrumed to the p.?o- ' 



pie was, that the act of secession did not 
dissolve the Union, nor dissever the lawful 
connection between the States seceding and 
the other States ; that the rebellion only sus- 
pended for the time being the authority of 
the Government, and that when that was re- 
stored, the States could then rightfully exer- 
cise all the powers and privileges appertain- 
ing to them under the Constitution. 

AVhen our army was defeated at the battle 
of Bull Piun, and driven back into the very 
streets of Wasliington, a Republican Con- 
gress, under the advice of a Eepublican 
President, placed upon the records of the 
country, a resolution (which passed almost 
unanimously) reiterating, in the most authen- 
tic and solemn manner, the pledge before 
given by the President, and declaring the 
purposes and objects of the war. 

I will now read to you the resolution, and 
I beg that you will ponder its words and im- 
port : 

" Iiesohid, That the present deplorable 
civil war has been brought upon the country 
by the disunionists of the Southern States 
now in arms against the Constitutional Gov- 
ernment, and in arms around the Capital ; 
that in this national emergency. Congress, 
banishing all feelings of mere passion or re- 
sentment, will recollect only its duty to the 
whole country ; that this war is not waged, 
on their part, in any spirit of oppression, or 
for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, 
or purpose of overthrowing or interfering 
vrith the rights or established institutions of 
those States; but to defend and maintain the 
supremacy of the Constitution, and to pre- 
serve the Union with all the dignity, equality, 
and rights of the several States unimpaired ; 
and that as soon as these objects are accom- 
plished the war ought to cease.'' 

If the distinguished and lamented Ken- 
tuckian who penned and introduced this 
resolution had never done any other act wor- 
thy of public attention, the truthful ar.d con- 
stitutional sentiments, and the glowing, patri-' 
otic words embodied in it, with the noble 
motives wljich prompted its introduction, 
would have been sufficient to immortalize his 
name and cause his memory to be cherished 
to the latest posterity. 

Under these pledge?, a million and a half 
of our young men have left their homes and 
all the endearments of home and friends, and 
enlisted under the banner of their country. 
Untold millions of treasure have been fi-cely 
sacrificed by the people. They have been 
willing to give every thing — to sacrifice ev- 
ery thii-ig, and onl}' demanded the restora- 
tion of their country and the preservation of 
our free institulions. 

Are these pledges being fulfilled ? Ian 
swer,VXp.; On the contrary, they liave been 
and arqbcinj; .sham^fally violated and disre- 
garded. No sooner are our armies victorious 
in the field of battle, giving promise Oi 
ii restored country, than the cluven foot of 



^ 



abolitionism rt-reals K«Jf, aiid the whole 
. . purpose and objects of the war are avowedly 
Fn^ chansed. It is now deliberately proclaimed 

• t> that the war is not to be prosecuted '" to de- 
■ H fend and mamtain the supremacy of the 

• j> Constitution," nor " to preserve the Union 
( ^ with a)l the dignity, equality, and nghts of 
'a<; the several States unimpaired,'' but to de- 
stroy the Southern States and stril^e them 
out of existence — to subjugate their people, 
and desolate their country, and destroy their 
Institutions. I do not make this charge 
against all the members of the Republican 
pirty. The great body of them I believe to 
be as honest and patriotic as any other class 
©f citizfen<:. and I believe that they have no 
wish to become aid^s and abettors to this 
new pr<5gramme which h^s been prDrauIgated 
by their leaders; but ic is expected that the 
force of party discipline will be sufuci3nt to 
insure their support We shall see. 

I wish to be distnctly nndtretood. I 
charge the ra lical and abolition leaders of the 
Republican party, who control its aorion and 
the action of the Administration, with the 
deliberate design to adopt and carry out a se- 
ries of measure-, the effect and object of 
which is to subvert the Tnion. and not to 
restore it — to overthrow the Constitution. 
and not to preserve it, and to carry on this 
war until these purposes have been accom- 
plished, regardless of all consequences. 

These measures consist in an attempt to 
sibjugate the Southern States and rwiuce 
them to territories ; and to absorb, centralize, 
%nd consolidate the risttts and powers of the 
loyal States in the General Government. I 
mitke thi.s charge in no spirit of party feelin? 
or animosity, but with a solemn conviction of 
its truth, and of the duty of every citizen to 
sound the alarm befnre it is too late to pre- 
vent i:s consummation, and I would be the 
last to m:ike it np^n slight or unsatisfactory 
eviJonca It is with feelings of sadness that 
I aver that the evidence to sustain this 
charge is overwhelming — a portion of which 
only I shall have time t "> present this even- 
ing. Charles Sumner has, perhaps, pr>v 
mulg-ited this scheme in the. most authentic 
form. He occupies a prominent if cot a 
controlling influence ia the Administration 
and the Republican party. In a recent arti- 
de in the Atlontie Monthly he puts fvirth de- 
li '>cnitely the propositifkc that Congress 
shouHl assume jurisdiction over the seceded 
States, hold them as territories, establish 
frr.ivisional governments over them, or make 
their "admission or recognition depend anon 
th.' act.^>n of Congress.'' He says: '' The ei*- 
Men'M jeatHre of the p ' - 

t'ongrci* shall assume j- 
rS<l Siittf^y Which he cx, .a:..> i > iii-...i 
that Congre.ss shall take and hold thrne 
StUesas conquered provinces or terrir^riea 
until the people wiil coasent to ask to ccv.e 
int© th« Union \ri<h sacb Constitutions as 



Congress s^aK dictate a/vd accept, and inti- 
mates tbat when the pople ask to come 
into the Union without slavery, Massachu- 
setts may >-e willing to admit them. In the 
meantime M2S52chu>ett3 would be willing to 
control the no'itieal power of the country, 
and to superintend generally the affairs of 
the world. Similar views have been express- 
ed by the Washington Chrindrle. which 
claims to be the official organ of the Admin- 
istration, and the Jfis-fo-uri Democrat, the 
leading radical organ of the West, and other 
leading Admimstration organ?. 

Mr. Whiting, Solicitor of the War Depart- 
ment, in a recent opinion elaborately written, 
with the approbation, as we are bound to 
presume, of the head of that Department 
and the President himself declares that 
when the Southern people cease fighting and 
lay down their arms, still they cannot return 
to the Union, except npon such terms as 
Congress snail dictate, and that they shonld 
not be permitted to return until they con- 
sented to change their Constitutions and 
abolish slavery. This paragrapii will give ns 
the substance of his opinion : 

" If the inhabitants of a large part of the 
Union have, by becoming public enemies 
surrendered and annulled their farmer rights, 
the questioh arises, can they recover tbem ? 
Snrli riyh^s can Tk-J he Te^fained 5y remon of 
thfir Ti'ving C'?^sed to .%^?. The character 
of a public enemy having once been stamped 
upon them by the laws of war, remains fised 
unti' it gJijil ImH ^en Inj <mr eonseni re- 

The Xew-York Tri ''/n', with its wicely- 
estended circtdatic a. is understood to be the 
Xew-York organ c.f the radicals, and it has 
scarcely attempted to conce^ its cppoeitioQ 
to the restoration of the Union Eveo before 
the war broke otrt the Tirihvni advocated the 
policy of allowing the seceded States to sepa- 
rate. It contained the following sentiment: 

'■ Whenever it shall be c'car that the great 
body of the Southern people h;\ve become 
conclusivelv alienated from the t nion. and 
anaous to escane from it WE WILL DO 
OUR BEST to. Ft>]iWARD THEIR 
TIEWS.'" - . ^ 

It now advocates the new paicy of sub- 
juff-ition, an 1 of carrying on toe v.-ar for the 
abolition of slavery. Xext to Wendell Phil- 
lips, Mr. Greeley is unquestioTUibly the most 
open and determine J disunionist in the coun- 
try. 

Thad. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, a leadinr 
irjemb?r or the House ctf Representatives, and. 
of course in the connderiCii of the Adminis- 
tratJon, said : 

"• Ihis talk of restoring the Union as it was 
under the Cons-itution »s it is, is one of the 
:t'5sur.i:; es w'„ich I bare heard ropeat-ed un- 
t"I I have neoome f:bout sick oi" it. The 
Un:on can never Ijc restored as it was. There 
ewe n>aiiv thi'ir^ whicii readier such an evem.t 



impossible. This Union ncT^ shall, with my i was ordered into that State to make these 
consenu be restcK-ed under the Constitution , speeches under the full pavof a Maj.r-Gen^ 
as it is, -n-irh slarervto be protected bv it.'' ra\ These are only san^.ples of an innumer- 

M. F. Conway, a member of Congress from able number of authoritav.re expressions, es- 
Kansas. and a leader in the Republican party, tablishing the fact that a wide-spread conspir- 
in a letter written in May bst, stated • ' ' aoy exists against the Union, and that an ef- 

'■ As to the Union, I would not give a cent fort is to be made to use the Republican or- 
for it unless it stood as a guarantee for free- gonization to carry it out. The Republican 



dom to every man, woman, and child within 
its entire jurisdiction. I consider the idea 
that eyery thing must be sacrificed to the 
Union utterly preposterous. What was the 



organization in this State is under the control 
of the reyolutionists. At the recent State 
Conyention held at Syracuse, an independent 
resolution was introduced, indorsine: the 



Union made for 't That we should sacrince emancipation p:-oclamation- The principal 
ourselyes to it ! I. for one, would beg to be speaker declared the ocject of this resolution 
excused. As things sfan-i, I irould gacr',jic« i in the following language : 
the Union to Fsetd-im, any morrang tiforeX "Sir, as a member of the old Republican 
breaifjistr \ party, I stand here to say, representing my 

These sentiments are now being avowed and ' constihients, that I believe the additional 

advocated in every section of the country. .' resolution is necessary, in order to avoid the 

Mr. HAin.rs, the Tice-President of the possible construction of the resolutions al- 

United States, in a recent speech, avowed the i ready adopted, that we are ready to let these 

s me sentiments. men come back into the Union with the in- 

At.the recent Republican State Convention I stitution of slavery guaranteed." 
of Massachusetts, which renominated Gover- 1 And although it was insisted that there 
nor Andrew, these disloyal sentiments were ; were many members of the party who were 
firmly and bo'diy promulgated. I will read • not prepared to adopt this new policy, yet 
a paragraph from the speech of Governor the radical majority adopted it. 
•Boutwell on that occasion, which is a fair To show that I do not misstate this abolition 
sample of all the others : programme, I will read a paragraph or two 

" He said that a State could only exist by 1 from a speech recently made by Moxtgomebt 
the win of the people within its limits, and . Blajb, a member of the Cabinet of Mr. Lin- 
that by adopting ordinances of secession the . coin : 

rebeUious States have given up their organ-; "But even while we are indulging these 
izauon under the Union. But the Federal well founded hopes that our country is saved 
Government had a prior authority over the from destruction by the rebellion, we are 
people and the territory of each Slate, which , menaced by the ambition of the ultra-abo- 
can only be restrained by force. Wherever Utionists, which is equally despotic in its 
our armies penetrate, that power is asserted, ; tendencies, and which, if successful, could 
and the people must remain under the guard- not fail to be alike fatal to Republican insti- 
ianship of the Federal authorities until un- tutions."' 

conditional Union men shall form a new State . . • '• The abolition programme as- 
govemment, and ask for readmission to the sumes, on the contrary, that, because violence 
Union. "Wlien that time should come, he has trodden down State governments and State 
would make it a condition precedent upon rights, they have ceased to exist ; that a loyal 
their readmission that they should come in people, in whom they Etdl survive and have 
as Free States."' i being, and to whom the United States stands 

To show how the sentiments of this con- 1 pledged to guarantee them forever, must also 
vention are regarded by its friends, I wtII i bare perished ; and that a congress of the 
read a paragraph fi^m the correspondent of! other States may step in and take absolute 
the New-York Tribune in relation-to it : ' authority over the whole region as vacated 

'"In their admirable speeches, Wilson and . States and Territories, and legislate for it, 
Boutwell, Dana and EUiott, ranged themselves | fDtmding this new usurpation upon fictions as 
fully alongside of Piullips and Garrison, and '■. absurd as those on which the rebeUion founds 
the convention, with united and enthusiastic 1 itself.'' 
voices, said Amen I" j In the State of Missoiui, the radical party 

WhoarePhiUips and Garrison? The former i have progressed farther than in any other 
an arowed disimionist, and the latter always \ State, and have arrived almost at the brink 



declared that the Constitution was a covenant 
vAth JieJl ! and the Massachusetts RepubU- 
caas have confessedly ranged themselves 



of a war of extermination against all who do 
not subscribe to their fanatical heresies. 
Frank Blair, who is a Republican member 



alongside of them on this subject, and Massa- of Congress, and a Brigadier-General in Gen- 
chusetts has to-day a more controlling in- 1 eral Grant's army, in a recent speech at St, 
fiuence over the Administratioa than all the i Louis, felt himself caUed upon to denounce 
other Northern States. j these radicals as enemies of their country. 1 

General Butler, in a recent speech in Penn- i will read a paragraph from his speech to shoT 
syiTania, declared that he was opposed to the i you how Republicans who are not abolitlon- 
recocstrjction of the Union as it was, and he ists are becoming alarmed at the aonstroua 



stndea towird xaxsrpttion and despotisai 
irfaicfa the leaders <if ijbe partr are ctw v wiiere 
nMVTTi^ : 

~ And ▼€< thes« a^n- wii]* "_— --i-"— 

G;verr.nieni. ram r: :Lr-3 a--i : :-. . . _ 
Tou "z-'aX tbey are'di-; oc^y i^ yj: ::jrn :n tue 
Stat*: ind th^ ek" ■who cxrir b^ik rritn- 
ed ill jTer with r-c^i^r fr:n; c ^r l<ittV 
3c'. is. ^lere tbr?v hsre b?-?- e- iei-^r-rlzir ": 
Dp"' Dii thi biOT-^r •:•£' ::? r-::'t-7 a-i i^i 
tAin the la^i iz.i C;'-?:;:^:!:- :; Th>rr n-^ 
the open foe — these nirn. — ^ 

b«ck here, are den<vti-<5ei 

appiiose. ^ Taere is r^ot th- 5I . 
aoce of opinJoo t>!erated hj fr-z— 
is iTwiiti-ia of a hair's b-fadt'2 — ^if a rr.: 
attemt'is xo saj one single thin? that ^E£t 
with the plan vhich tbej oare li'i do^rz. : 
urtaminadQ^ ^ t'Dese Soathera Stat'r? — 
why he is denounced at once ; not as n 
with political diffcreaees are urtii^'y 
Boanced — tbey do cot <rail upon thr - 
and kt them know that 'kis ?^?r!i' ?->? 1 : 
geroas. im^-wmd arid tm"^ ' ' ij Cr- 

nounce him as a C-^rr-f v h thry 

TDeaa he is a min api - 
the ULited Stat-es. 1 " 
raan whr- has exT>:sei :_.- Jr - tt ^ . -^ . 
aeain in def-ens* of :ba: :>:Tf-r7-L_-:iL"" 

Ycu will i>ot fiil t: c^— ---^-'-^ ;- 
tbet of (."V_r^t>>*'.i ji :- " 

Deoaocr&ts '^r Rrr " " 
the abolitioD di; - 
the fullest eiier.: 
trines. 

Xow I jffopisseto call ThnrJv^ "Werd to ti>e 
stand as a witness He has had a fail opp-^r- 
tunity to fvra a ccrrect 'nirr-*"* He is 
undoi3bte>ilT as firoiiiar wi: — 

tOTy cf the out: try and w ^> 

any lirinr mm. ^ad I will c; _ .r tj. 
I J say thit I believe he is at hesn a : 
the Uniro, 1"^ ■ •-_--.. -.. - --. 

•• I desire 
t5 be tmdr -: , : : : : 

of Meivsrs. S-u__-r. .rr -..; . _. 

Ward Bee.Aer. etCL. etc. o>tiin m tt>r r>3- 
duct of the wiT, rr wtll ktstlt i>" tse dz- 
STsronos o? ors GoTEayKTsr axd Utjos, ass 

H'>w Mr. Weed cin cntiiice ef en a !>•: - 
k\a^ coanenioa with an '^rfaniiarl*:! rontr 
ed by men whom he de-DOt^ces as rne~ 
:f the «?untry. I am at I>ss to coETrehe: 
Kji we knjw that he is rifht ia the 
I h.ive re*d. Yoa sr>d I and e-scr 
knos^s ihit ten or tT.> -- t - 
held in stibjectiMJ by ■ 



Ebcrin- fbey^ fe^M fsr a:-i b»7iii iiflt-it»<| 

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EK'Tai w^= — ize :- ■ 
eiecsim ia N^e-^-Trk 
ocrati-' t^rty was trlunj 

■si:?*-? deiTiSi: 

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ir.r 'rs^<«»- 



When tkisecs froe L<3tii~s&s£ asked tie 



1: wiii rtq.'ire a '*^ 
rjin^os system of ta^ 
j»3riag the insi:u'. 



arj a seceeeu ^tit.s asve 
of eo- poaitioo t? rvt^trr; tc : 
— the b«w€t5 d t. 



protection of the GovernmenL Has there 
been any disposition on the part of the Presi- 
dent to allow them to do so? Not theshght- 
est. I have not the slightest doubt but large 
numbers of the people of the South would re- 
joice to assume again their position in the 
Union. Are they encouraged to do so ? So 
lar from it, Mr. Liucnln informs them and the 
rest of mankind, that his proclamation is 
"valid or invalid." It certainly does not re- 
quire the President to issue an official docu- 



measure," or that any " war necessity " ex- 
isted for it. On the contrary, it was evident- 
ly the intention, under the pressure of the 
times, to fiisten this scheme upon, the coun- 
try as a permanent institution. It is design- 
ed to wipe out all State banks and center in 
AVashington all the monied interests of the 
Nation. The people of the United States 
struggled long under the leadership of that 
great and good man, Gen. Jackson, to eradi- 
cate the United States Bank, because H was 
deemed dangerous to our free institutions to 



ment to make a man of ordinary compxehen 

sion understand that the proclamation, like t give the Government control of the monetary 
every other instrument, is either valid or in- j interests of the nation, but this scheme is far 
valid. But the people of North-Carolina and worse than that. This destroys State banks, 



other States have become tired of the tyranny 
exercised over them, and are longing to re- 
turn to their allegiance to the Union, and with 
uplifted hands and anxious hearts, they de- 
sire to know of Mr. Lincoln whether he re- 
gards the proclamation as of any force or 
power beyond the actual duration of the war 



and places all banking operations under con- 
trol of the officers of the government not only, 
but subjects the business of the country to 
the fitful and uncertain policy of those who 
happen to be in power. Besides, it will de- 
preciate the stocks of the several States whicli 
now form the basis of banking, and throw up- 



They wish to know how his administration I on the people an additional burden of huu- 
regard it. AThat they intend to claim. For , dreds of millions. Moreover, it establishes a 
the people of these States know, as we all do, j precedent of the most dangerous character, 
that courts even are influenced by outside j If these institutions can be thus obliterate'! 
pressure and partisan clamor, and they ask by National legislation, every other State in- 
Mr. Lincoln, I repeat, to say what coui-se he : stitution may be. Our system- of internal ini 
intends to pursue, and the only response is : j provement, our schools, in short, every State 
" It is either valid or invalid." What encour- interest, may become absorbed in the genera 
agement have the people of the seceded States Government. Federalism of the olden tmit 
to attempt even to return to the Union ? As | would bl»jsh at such centralism as is now con- 
matters now stand, there is confiscation to tended for. 



take all their property, emancipation to take 
their negroes, a test oath to prevent their 
holding office in the Union, and a treason act 
to hang them. AVith these alternatives, I do 
not think that many will voluntarily return. 
These facts furnish conclusive evidence to 
my mind that Mr. Lincoln either entertains 
these views of subjugation, or that he is under 



But the crowning act of infiimy is the late 
suspension of the Haleas Corpus. Hereto- 
fore we have rested secure under the shield 
of the Constitution and the protection of the 
laws. AVe could gather around our hearth- 
stones in security, and retire at night confi- 
dent that the unseen but potent shield would 
guard and protect us and our families and 



the control of those who do. There are but homes from invasion and violence. AAlth a 



two modes of dealing with the fanatics. You 
must either yield to their views and wishes 
in every point, or be denounced by them, and 
as Mr. Lincoln has thus far not dared to dis- 
agree with them, and has thus far yielded in 
the end to all their demands, I conclude that 
he will continue to do so. 

In addition -to a subjugation of the South- 
ern States, it is designed, as I have already 
stated, to consolidate all the power of the 
loyal States in the General Government, and 
in this scheme Mr. Lincoln has been a prom- 
inent actor. I have been amazed at the 
strides toward consolidated power made by 
this administration. 

The conscription act authorizes the exer- 
cise of power directly from the Government to 
the individual, overlooking State authority 
and individual influence. The banking scheme 
is another and far more dangerous exercise 
of power. The conscriptioa act, however un- 
wise as a policy, may be technically constitu- 
tional under the power " to raise armies," but 



single stroke of the pen this writ of protec- 
tion to personal liberty has been suspended, 
and for the time being obliterated. And why 
has it been done ? No man can tell us a rea- 
son — no man has attempted to give a reason 
for it. I have inquired of officials, high and 
low, why this extraordinary act has been 
done, and no explanation has been or coulc 
be given. There was no reason for it. It 
was an unnecessary act of despotism. The 
courts, so far fi'om evincing a disposition to 
thwart the action of the Government, have 
been over-cautious, and the State Judges, so 
far as my observations have extended, have 
fallen far short of maintaining State authority 
and individual liberty in a laudable desire not 
to obstruct the action of the Government in 
the present crisis. 

But we are told that no loyal man will be 
injured. No loyal man injured! AVho is to 
decide on my 103-alty or yours ? AA'hy, tlio 
officer who makes the arrest, and if, in Ids 
opinion, wa have interfered in word,'aot, or 



the banking law has no ^varrant in the Con- deed with the military or naval service, he is 
Btitution. Nor is it pretended \o be a ''war ' authorized to act as judge, jury, and e:-;ecu- 



doner. It is enough if men mat/ be injured. 
What is a gOTermiient worth rr'oich doe> not 
furnish protection to its people ? Thev hare 
a right to demand a fixed and affirmative rule 
of protection, and .will not tolerate a .svovem 
which places ihem at the mercj of petty offi- 
cials. 

But loyal people are injured and outrage'l 
every dav b}' the suspension of this wiit. 
Repeated instances have taken place within a 
few days of arrests of persons as deserters who 
liavc cither never been enlisted or been honor- 
ably discharged, and they have been dragged 
into a military' camp and confined for days 
and weeks. I know of one instance where a 
man who had been dischai^ed was an-estei 
three different times by different officers and 
taken into the army, and tach time the 
ofiBcer received his reward. K your own son 
^ who had been in the army, and, it may be, 
passed through all the battles of the JPoto- 
mac, shouM, after being honorably discharged, 
be arrested as a deserter, you would think 
that he ought to have an opportunity to bring 
the question before a court. The writ of 
habeiis CO rpu-« simply allows a party to go into 
court and inquire why he is restrained from 
his liberty. If good cause is shown, he is re- 
mandtid to custody ; if not, he is discharged. 
A recruiting officer may enlist your boy, four- 
teen ycai's of age, in violation of an act of 
Congress, and you have no civil remedy. 
There is no outrage upon personal liberty 
whict may not be committed. The country 
literally swarms with officers of the Govern- 
ment, paid by taxation, and outi'ages are be- 
mg and will be perpetrated. 

I have called your attention, fellow-citizens, 
to these Acts and schemes for the purpose of 
inducing you to examine the subject, and see 
where we are drifting. K we change our 
Union, tell me what kind of a Union we shall 
have ? K we change the essential features of 
our Government, who can tell what our Gov- 
ernment will be ? If we override our Consti- 
tution, who is wise enough to tell us what 
^^ ''.1 be substituted ? K we strike ten from the 

ight galaxy of stars composing our Union, 
■ hat power will ever restore them or give 
them vital action ? If we commence to change 
our institutions, there wiU be no end but an- 
archy and despotism. 

You have often heard it said, that free gov- 
ernment was an experiment The experi- 
ment consists'in determining whether a peo- 
ple will permanently abide by the laws of a 
written constitution. In quiet and prosper- 
ous times, we would scarcely need a constitu- 
tion at all. It is when adversity comes upon 
us — when temptation allures or necessity 
exists, that restrictions in organic laws are in 
danger of being violated. Written constitu- 
tions are of no value ; they are worse tiuin 
useless, except they are sufficient to restrain 
acts which we destrf to perform. 

The controlling influences of the RepubU- 
^can party have inaugurated all these meas- 



," urea and carrieo them through, and have be- 
I sides infused into the whole body cf the R*;- 

publican le.idors the poison of Abolitioni-soi. 
j They contT'jl the party and the Administra- 
j tion. In every State where the election has 
I resulted in favor of the Republicans, the re- 
j suit has been claimed as a verdict in favor of 
• the subjugation and consolidation policy, and. 

if this State should so result, ic would be 
1 used as a tremendous "* pressure " upon Mr. 

Lincoln and his administi*atk>n in the .same 

■ direction. 

I Xow, fellow-citizens, I say that any man 
who is in favor of protracting this war one 
day beyond the time when the Union may be 
restored, is an enemy to his country. I have 
heard it said that the war has brought 
prosp^ity with it ; but it is not a legitimate 
and permauent prosperity. We are in a state 
of unnatural exhilaration which will ulti- 
mately prove fiital to every business interest 
The drunken man. reeling and .staggering 
. through the streetv-. imagines him.^^eif tiie rich- 
I est man in the world, but when the artificial 
1 stimulus is gone he sinks into degradation 
! and despair, and this is our condition now. 
; By artificial means the business interests <^ 
the country are greatly inflated, but it will 
as certainly become depressed as that effect 
will follow cause. 

A legalized irredeemable pap^r currency is 
the greatest curse which can afflict a people. 
It enr-'ches the few, but it impoverishes the 
j many. It pampers the idle, while it degrade© 
I the industrious, and the apparent benefits 
\ which it confers are most delusive and dc- 
j ceptive. 

I I am opposed to this whole scheme, because 
i I know it will result in the destniction of 
! the Union and the overthrow of the Consti- 
j tution. 

Subjugation, in my judgment, is impossi- 
j ble, and its anempt will procrastiiKite the war 
interminably. If it is passible, it is not de- 
sirable, because it woidd necessarily inaugu- 

■ rate despotism. 

; "Whilst we will sacrifice all for the Union, 

! we can not afford to continue this war for the 

I visionary purpose of aboUshing slavery, or 

the criminal purpose of experimenting for a 

change in our institutions. 

^vo man in this administration dares to in- 
! form us what the amount of our present in- 
; debtedness is. The reports of the Secretary 
of the Treasury are utterly unsatisfactory on 
this point I have endeavored from all the 
light I can obtain to eatimaie this indebted- 
ness, and I maintain the opinion that if this 
war shall dose during the present fiscal year. 
; it will not be less than three thousand millions 
' of dollars I I think it will be more, but I am 
; sure it can not be less. I arrive at this con- 
; elusion from the known expenses of maintain- 
' ing men in the field — from the reports of the 
j Treasury Department — the estimates of Mr. 
Spaulding, Chairman of the Committee of 
! Ways and Means of the List House of Repre- 



8 



s««tatiYe,^, and the authorized statements em- 
enathig from Washington from time to time 
during the war. 

Of this sum NewYork woul 1 be liable, if 
the Union was restored with the original 
wealth of the seceded States, for about one 
ninth, or more than $330,000,000 ! the annual 
interest on which is nearly twenty millions 
of dollars. 

This indebtedness is about one quarter cf 
all the taxable property of the country be- 
fore the war. The proportion of this debt 
for the county of Genesee is aljout four mil- 
lions of dollars, tlie interest on which i-s two 
hundred and forty thousand dollars, which 
you will be required to pay annually in 
some form. In fact, the amount to be paid by 
New- York will be much larger, because the 
property in the South has been largely re- 
duced during the war. I have estimated sit 
the lowest figure. 

Besides, after the war has ceased, the an- 
nual expenses of the Government can not be 
less than $150,000,000. Assuming that we 
may realize $50,000,000 by Customs, it will 
leave two hundred millions to be raised by 
taxation, and if New-York pays only one 
ninth, it will add more than ten millions to 
the annual tax of the State, so that for in- 
terest alone upon our portion of the National 
debt, and of our portion of the annual expen- 
ses we shall be obliged to pay more than thir- 
ty millions annually, which is equal to our 
whole State debt, and this sum, remember, is 
in addition to State, County, and Municipal 
taxes. 

The national debt of England is onl}'' about 
$3,400,000,000, and their taxable property 
is more than double the amount of ours, 
while their rate of interest upon the public 
debt is only three per cent, or half the amount 
of ours ; so that while our debt is nominally 
$400,000,000 less than theirs, it is practically 
in its burdens upon the nation much larger. 

I do not speak of these things because 
we should falter in the least to make this 
sacrifice, and much more, if necessary, to 
restore the Union, but shall we, ought we 
to do it, to further the views of the Aboli- 
tionists ? 

The burden of all taxation foils upon labor. 
The farmer, mechanic, and laboring men, and 
ai professional men suffer heavily, while tax- 
ation grinds the poor to the earth. What is 
it that literally enslaves one half the popu- 
lation of Great ^I: 'friJ^' rnd compels them to 
\^ork from early mui:i tin late at night for 
H scanty subsistence ? They have a fine cli- 
mate, good soil, and excel in manuf;ictures, 
and they boast of a free constitution. Why, 
then, this degradation ? It is because of the 
oppressive taxes which fall upon the back of 
labor. Heretofore, in this country, we have 
been comparatively free from taxation, and 
labor has received its reward acd had the 
benefit of it. 

If you tnke from the laboring man a por- 



tion of his earnings, which are nfcessary for 
the comfortable support of himself and family, 
you detract from his independence as a man 
and a citizen, and, therefore, the mock philan- 
tropists, in their fruitless efforts -to liberate 
three millions of black slaves, wilf^make ten 
millions of white slaves, and entail u{)on pos- 
terity degradation, misery, and crime. 

I beg that you will bear in mind, also, that 
by an act of Congress the stocks of the Gov- 
ernment are made exempt from all taxation. 
One cpiarter of all taxable property is thus 
withdrawn from liability, and its burden cast 
upon the remainder. Those who have raonej^ 
can invest it in Government securities, and 
then escape all the burdens of Government, 
v.-hile the farmer's lands and the home of the 
mechanic and laboring m.an must bear the 
burden which belongs to their more fortu- 
nate neighbor. 

But I have already detained you too long, 
and I can not pursue the subject further. 

I ask you to determine at the ballot-box, 
whether your influence shall be thrown in 
favor of this monstrous scheme of subjuga- 
tion and consolidation. I put this question 
not only to Democrats and conservative men, 
but to those who have heretofore acted with 
the Republicans ; and I am gra tilled to sec 
many of them, here to-night. Are you will- 
ing, in behalf of yourselves and your families, 
to try this new experiment ? Are you in 
favoi- of carrying on this war for the vision- 
ary purpose of abolishing slaver}', when its 
effect will certainly be to destroy the free in- 
stitutions under which you have enjoyed so 
many blessings ? Shall the influence of New- 
York be thrown in the scale of subjugation 
and disunion ? Before j'ou deposit j'our 
ballot for this destructive polic}*, consult your 
wives and children. Tell them that we have 
so far overcome the military power of the 
rebel States that an opportunity is afforded, 
by conciliation with the Union men of the 
South, to restore the old Union and m::intain 
the Constitution, but that it is now proposed 
bj^ the radical leaders to go farther', and carry 
on the war for the ostensible purpose of abol- 
ishing slavery, but really with the design 
of changing the whole character of the Goy- 
ernment itself. Tell them that one quarter 
of all you possess is already mortgaged for 
the expenses of tiie v.'ar, and that this new 
scheme will not only encumber your pro- 
perty to a much greater extent, but will be 
a never-ending burden upon the industry and- 
energies — nay, upon the very bones and mus- 
cles of your children ! 

I feel an abiding confidence that New-York 
will cast her imperial influence in the right 
direction. Whatever other States may do, 
our own Empire State will stand firm and 
true. Let others yield if they will, but let 
us stand firm, and vre shall have i-iQ proud 
consolation of having rcsciiod our beloved- 
land from its eaenu'ss at tlie South and ita 
enemies at the North. W S Q ' 



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